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this interesting article by Alberto Burgio ducetto The Fiat had not yet finished all the terms set forth blackmail (or workers accept 11-hour shifts giving breaks to the middle and to strike, or to leave the Fiat sbaraccare Italy) and Piero Fassino has already said - not required - his "If I were a worker Mirafiori, voterei sì». Nessuna sorpresa. Meno scontata è apparsa a qualcuno la presa di posizione di Massimo D’Alema, dichiaratosi anch’egli favorevole al cosiddetto accordo su Pomigliano, e in frontale dissenso dalla lotta della Fiom. Ma è così? C’è davvero di che meravigliarsi? O si tratta invece di una logica conseguenza della linea del Partito democratico, a sua volta coerente con la paradossale funzione politica svolta in questi quindici anni dal gruppo dirigente post-comunista del Pd?
Qualche anno fa Nanni Moretti se ne uscì con una battuta al vetriolo. Con questi dirigenti, disse, non vinceremo mai. E proprio a D’Alema rivolse l’esortazione a «dire qualcosa di sinistra». Oggi we can be as nasty without being less objective. If D'Alema and his colleagues were not there, the Italian employers and its greatest political guarantor should invent them. Since "took the field" opening the political season blackest of the Republic, Berlusconi has not only found in their opponents missed, but also works guarantors of its enduring success. We can not remember all the episodes interesting, let us confine ourselves to the most representative. First of all, the speech of February 28, 2002 to the House where Violante remembers, to boast of his own party, the commitment "not to touch the television," Berlusconi hired in 1994, the non-enactment of a law on conflict of interests during the previous term (when the center-left government), the green light to stand as a candidate for Berlusconi, owner of important administrative concessions, and even an increase (of 25 times) of the turnover of Mediaset. That speech is a monument of political sagacity and foresight. Should be included in any history books. Another memorable passage, to remain on strictly political grounds, is the Veltrusconi. We are at the end of 2007, Prodi govern for two years scarce, the majority is fragile for the narrow margin of votes in the Senate and the contentiousness of the Union. But the ship is in serious difficulty, and Berlusconi is in center. Veltroni, recently elected Secretary the PD, finds nothing better than engaging with the owner of a infant PDL (fake) negotiations on the electoral law, agreeing with him to go to early elections (not insinuiamo us, told Prodi). The result is the mess in which we struggle: a crisis in general (political, social and moral) in which the Democratic Party, however, plays no active role, although the only serious threat by the government during the past two years by it is due to the secession of the PDL Fini. Intelligence with the enemy? Simple ignorance? To understand we must look at the results of policy choices that have made Italy the most unequal country in Europe and the most hostile toward the employee. It turns out then that between the center and the center there is a strong line on economic policy (privatization, job insecurity, low wages), on the institutional (the majority and the "federalism", the presidential system on the local and the Counter University), foreign policy (participation in war "democratic"). There is no need to hypothesize plots: is that so-called "moderate left" has no political agenda much different from its counterparts you. The many ways you can think about it, but some convergence of purpose between the two poles is a source of big trouble for the center. His electoral base is confused and disoriented. He has less and less clear ideas about where you would like to lead (for which increasingly gives way to the sirens of abstention). The PCI had many limitations, but spoke of the transformation of the social model. Not only is a policy not colluding with the mafia and the neo-fascism, even a just society that respects the dignity and rights of labor. Today, as the image of society is connected to the PD, where Don Camillo living with a Peppone became an altar boy?
While the attacks and breaks down the fundamentals right, the opposition stutters about manners. And in fact agree. Then came the time to become adults, recreation is over. D'Alema non dirà qualcosa di sinistra semplicemente perché ha cambiato idea, come dimostra da ultimo la posizione assunta su Pomigliano (e lasciamo perdere, per carità di patria, le rivelazioni di WikiLeaks sulla magistratura che minaccia lo Stato democratico). Bisogna finalmente prendere atto che la sinistra è altrove e va ricostruita conquistando credito presso tanta gente che in questi anni ha subito le scelte del gruppo dirigente democratico nell’illusione di rimanere coerente con la propria storia. L’Italia non è di per sé un “Paese di destra”. Questo è un alibi, ed è la conseguenza di una opposizione “omeopatica” che non contende alla destra un palmo della sua egemonia. La battaglia va ripresa. Not only for the left, but for the country. For Italian democracy.
