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When we speak of "solid foundations"

Le foto che seguono sono a dir poco raccapriccianti. Premettiamo che la location è già nota ai frequentatori di questo e di altri blog perchè è stata più volte fotografata per le bancarelle o per gli impianti pubblicitari. Si tratta del parcheggio taxi di Piazzale degli Eroi.

Quello che vi proponiamo oggi è un cartellone spuntato dalle ceneri di un altro impianto segnalato e rimosso a suo tempo. Ma stavolta qualcosa è andato storto e l'impianto, fin da giovane, ha avuto bisogno di solide fondamenta. E che genere di fondamenta!

Sembra si tratti di un cartellone per il circuito eventi e spettacoli, la cui pubblicità sarebbe commissionata public institutions, namely the City of Rome, at private facilities (APA).

positioned on lanes, a few inches from the roadway, with the added problem of being an orphan of a plate. Yes sir, the plant is devoid of label of New Bank Data

The plant was promptly reported to the Mayor, the Director of Billboard, the Municipal Police

Francis

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again on the 8 x 3 and landscape restrictions. The deafening silence of the press

We had feared, and it happened. There are other systems 8 x 3 reported from several parts of Rome. This time MG Advertising is the company to become the main protagonist, but we do not be surprised if this habit soon spread to most of the many companies that currently operate on are Rome http://www.comune.roma.it/was/repository / ContentManagement/node/N1362605977/DittePubbBD_150211.pdf
We do not even occur to count them all: they are too.
Fattostà that the example given and documented in previous posts, with apparent impunity (no installation obscured, no one removed, perhaps only sanctions that it locks maybe who knows when), has borne fruit. These images come to us from
Portuense Street, less than 100 meters from an installation of 8 x 3 PubbliRoma already posted on this blog. Via Portuense, corner Via Maro, strictly at a crossroads.

To stay in the area of \u200b\u200bpublishing photos of the slaughter that continues to perpretare in nearby Tenuta dei Massimi, a protected area as a Regional Reserve. In September 2010 the Authority denounced Rome Nature 492 plants persisting in protected areas of Rome, of which 35 were located inside or around the seal of the Maxima. The following photos speak for themselves ... and do not tell us when they put the billboards do not realize they were doing an injustice. (Click and enlarge).

And finally we show something surprising: we often see plants without label, but it is the first time we see two adjacent installations (not two-faced), with exactly the same plate. This miracle (the duplication of the plates), is by the famous PES, which is always at the same intersection with other colonized 8 x 3 in full Tenuta dei Massimi, documented recently, has two plants located adjacent 4 x 3 with the label "copy".

plants are set up about 30 of the persistent area Maximum seal that will be reported to the Office of the billboards in the coming days

Francis

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What if? Hologram

















di Patricia Viviana Quezada

North Africa trembles, breaks down the wrath of the peoples walls, statues and dictators. It is no longer king of the time. Some say, the beginning of the century were marked by bloody wars. We can say that the great mass of young people who poured into the streets and swept the streets, because they did not bear the idea of \u200b\u200bliving in a century the same conditions of oppression and subjugation of their parents.

Through the interstices of that worn-out structure of resentment, hatred, fear, fundamentalism, ignorance and corruption that had patiently wove tyrants has broken with force unheard of knowledge, technology, knowledge that leads to self-awareness, its own individual being, legitimate right to a dignified life and free. A life that is worth dying. And so they did. The "rebels" decided that there was no other choice, had to be done on the day of wrath.

One country after another, in an incredibly short period of time, stood up and came down in piazza pacificamente con la compattezza e la compostezza d'un popolo con un’unica volontà.

C'era una situazione che però loro non avevano considerato e si presenta adesso, dopo le cadute di Ben Ali e di Mubarak, in simultanea con le rivolte nello Yemen, in Marocco, in Iran, nel bel mezzo del bagno di sangue della Libia. Non avevano considerato le conseguenze delle loro coraggiose rivolte, conseguenze che vanno più in là delle spiagge seminate di morti, dei bambini decapitati, dei morti nel deserto o nel fondo del mare, della furia pazza dei tiranni che chiamano “ratti” i sudditi e pianificano con gioia il loro annientamento. La peggiore delle conseguenze è la inappellabile accettazione che, malgrado the hypocritical international declarations against the war and "how to deal with later," the North Africans must accept as fact that both they and many other peoples in "developing", are less human, or perhaps with a smaller percentage of humanity that other peoples. Unquestioned humanity instead for those lucky individuals who are nationals of countries that count. This statement may seem shocking, but as everyone can see this is the only plausible explanation to the many ambiguous attitudes that characterized the positions in these days of governments and people around the world in front of Gaddafi's violent response to peaceful demonstrations, but decided the people libico. Il “forse che sì, forse che no” che tappezza il salone dei cavalli, del castello del Duca di Mantova, si ripete negli attuali potenti, in bilico nel momento di prendere una decisione nella quale c'entrano gli interessi economici e i principi umanitari. Davanti un'opinione pubblica assuefatta e pusillanime non è difficile immaginare la scelta. Il valore della vita umana è molto relativo, lo sanno bene le Compagnie Assicurative. Se non fosse così, come si spiega che non si sia alzata, come un solo uomo, la comunità internazionale a condannare con orrore la carneficina che si sta compiendo adesso in Libia. Ormai tristemente sappiamo della inconcepibile crudeltà del comportamento umano, ma continuiamo a ripeterci che siamo una società “civile”, e una società “civile” dà lo stesso valore a ogni vita umana, non potremmo mica tornare indietro alla seconda guerra mondiale, quando i tedeschi uccidevano dieci italiani per ogni tedesco morto, e i russi facevano lo stesso nei confronti dei polacchi, vero? Sarebbe mostruoso. É ovvio che gli essere umani si rivoltano davanti al massacro di altri esseri umani. Ma se al posto di diecimila libici fossero morti diecimila italiani in una settimana? O diecimila tedeschi o americani? Cosa sarebbe successo? Cosa succederebbe se fosse Parigi la città sotto assedio? Cosa succederebbe se al posto delle sdraio sulle spiagge di Rimini e Riccione, today were endless rows of fresh graves of its walls, every one who receives the corpse of a young Italian man who dreamed of freedom. What would happen?.

Patricia Viviana Quezada, Bologna, February 27, 2011

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Italy: Libyan Annozero welcome guys! The lightness of Cairo



















Pina Small

This is a letter of apology to you Ali, and Tareg bilaba,

3 guys with no last name Libyan, interviewed by Giulia Innocenzi, who believe they can in somehow persuade the Italians to act to end the carnage that is going on in your country by Gaddafi and his mercenaries are gone by Santoro, Annozero, transmission known efforts, certainly convinced that he would All to give you the word, despite the various limitations imposed by the RAI.

Although our coliseums our theaters and the Roman Empire exported them in all the lands washed by the Mediterranean, including your own, you thought had passed the time of circus entertainment, gladiators, and democratic media that could seriously accept instances of a people struggling to get rid of a dictatorship, as they did in recent weeks, some neighboring countries. We say that illusion, since I called and used in the preview clips of your demonstrations outside the Libyan embassy in Rome, maybe you could be invited as real partners, with equal dignity of others.

To be honest I had not having followed the TV program on Thursday, but this morning one of my Argentine friend, who comes from a country a bit more anchored to reality, maybe because of the recent experience of struggle against dictatorship, called me urging me to cover the bet this week, because she was outraged by the lack of consideration given Libyans to you guys, how what we were supposed to be a program dedicated to you instead had come to the marginalization of your speech. So, before writing I had a look on the Internet to see if anyone else had raised objections as to took place that evening and found several posts on different pages on Facebook which expressed disappointment that the children Libyans had not been given time to express themselves (on a program of 2 hours 5 minutes poor). It was said that it was a "bad" episode.

During the episode, several times, all three of us have criticized "Where is your humanity?, They all talk about oil and economics, but not of the blood flowing in the streets of Tripoli? "To arrive at an answer should be a speech that was very broad, covering not only the economic and institutional structures, but also what has happened to the media, even the" left ", and more deeply understand who is recognized as an expert, what kind of knowledge is accepted as legitimate. Should also recall the historical amnesia, so the fact that Libya was colonized by Italy, that there has been a valiant resistance of the Libyan people against the occupation is no longer part of the consciousness of the average. Perhaps for these reasons that uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East have taken the "West" by surprise, observers not only conservatives, but even the progressives who were part of the World Social Forum, in short, as the experts category had not put into account, dealing with each other. Perhaps a reflection on this should encourage others to Santoro and assign a different weight to his "Informers" magari invece di 5 minuti riservare almeno metà della trasmissione a questa generazione di giovani del Nord Africa che sono i protagonisti di queste sollevazioni. Invece ci è toccato sorbirci,come al solito, La Russa, Casini, Fini, Rampini e Lutwak, con il loro linguaggio denso di eurocentrismo, che non è stato adeguatamente contrastato da Santoro o da altri.

Forse vale la pena ricostruire un po’ la puntata per capire meglio le dinamiche. Per chi non è abituato a seguire Annozero, la suddivisione dei luoghi deputati è abbastanza chiara; in uno studio televisivo circolare, iper tecnologico e postmoderno (intonato alle caratteristiche della nostra Republic), the lion's den is found naturally in low gi sit where guests of honor seated up strange, uncomfortable seats that seem to be between astral projection, chair of a spaceship is precisely that kind of stools on which sit on the lions for the circus is about to be tamed. are arranged in two areas, right and left, mo 'Parlamentino of the nineteenth century, and in the midst of him, Santoro, with an air of stern tamer of lions, which gives the word, send out the movies, driving our viewers to look towards a kind of big-screen horizontal table on which are projected images. Above this pit is a sort of circular railing (Perhaps to protect the spectators from the wild beasts that roam below) and around this species of reef lie the interlocutors of the second floor, often young and often under the protection of young journalists ... Behind them the public over the audience and a circular screen on which are projected images continuously (at times disturbing, like the gaze of Berlusconi played ad infinitum).

The relocation of forces in the episode entitled "Do Not Disturb" was the following: the right to host the regular male presence, ie Italian Defense Minister Ignazio La Russa, in the same industry but more in the background, as if to cushion the impact of the amount of pheromone men in a circle, journalist Ilaria D'Amico (for the entire evening every so often the camera in a manner typical of Italian cameraman gave a peek female image, dressing all in black with high heels, with a little hair 'futurist), among Santoro, journalist, investigator cynical but also has a sense of humor, to his left Marco en travail pendant to his colleague friend who was also a bit 'set back, emerging only to read his piece on Berlusconi's new Italian Constitution) and then Pier Ferdinando Casini (it's not clear what has to do with the crisis under discussion). Lean over the railing, three young Libyans, presented with the names Ali, Tareg bilaba and residents in Italy (with valid residence permit you can imagine) who participated in the demonstration in Rome in front of the Libyan embassy (the "scuffle" as it is defined by Santoro). Their discomfort, their being little accustomed to Ceroni and television studios, it is clear as well clear is their hustle, their anxiety to the Italian public to communicate the urgency of stopping the massacres despite the difficulties caused by emotion and a imperfect knowledge of Italian. On the table-horizontal screen shots followed each other with the experts, journalists and politicians that Fini, Grappling and Lutwak. exception to this gallery of old, the interview in full, with simultaneous translation, Eva Giovannini that talks with Hassan Al Djhami, Libyan blogger who lives in Switzerland and escaped through his page Facebook has greatly contributed to the mobilization of the day of wrath. But perhaps it is because we consider him a person of the media, in practice one of their colleagues. Taking up the metaphor proposed by futurist design of the study, the spatial subdivision tra alto e basso si potrebbe azzardare una dicotomia: giù nella fossa, gli ologrammi italiani, dall’apparenza reale ma in verità intangibili, proiezioni di un vecchio ordine mondiale che si basa sul niente. Se, pure guidato dalle migliori intenzioni, fatica a capire il nuovo che avanza, di sopra invece la presenza corporea poco televisibile ma reale (i fiumi di sangue che scorrono) dei 3 ragazzi, i cambiamenti che stanno avvenendo nel mondo e che sfuggono al controllo del vecchio ordine. Che questa metafora possano averla intuita anche i produttori dello spettacolo lo si capisce quando spesso sullo schermo circolare in alto appaiono le immagini di giovani che avanzano (con iconografia imagination that suggests from a Volpedo Pelizza postmodern). What could be more promising, and there is hope so, when will combine images of young African, Middle Eastern and European, Chinese and hope that run together.

Returning to the substance, in the four and a half minutes of the interview to young Libyans the recurring theme is a rebuke to the Italians, who have lost their sense of humanity and instead of shouting that they stay silent. Instead of talking about economy and oil demand that these young Libyan Italians speak of lives. Santoro seems to take note of this request, but in reality il programma segue la deriva verso la questione securitaria, le responsabilità dell’alleanza con Gheddafi, se è da attribuire a destra o a sinistra, la necessità o meno dell’intervento dell’Unione Europea, la capacità dell’attuale governo di gestire la crisi (con il divertente intervento dello statista Casini che sottolinea come nonostante la poca attendibilità del capo del governo, il sistema italiano sia “incardinato nell’Occidente” quindi tout court affidabile, seguito dall’ancora più divertente affermazione di Lutwak,che tutto è a posto perché il ministro degli esteri americano parla a quello italiano, the U.S. secretary of state speaks to the interior minister and all people are worthy). At this point, illuminated with an intellectual, Santoro asks if Italy can play a role of "democratic bridge" for these underserved populations accustomed to democracy. Oh, how I wanted to testify in the study of the effectiveness of this proposal instead of Casini Igiaba Scego there was a young and shrewd Italian journalist and writer of Somali origin. This representative of "next generation" was born precisely from a family in Somalia, where the father as a young man was sent by the government of his state, which had just gained independence and was still under protection Trust of Italy, to carry out an apprenticeship of democracy in Italy in the early 60 (imagine the lessons of democracy from the Christian Democrats received the post-fraud law ). The father was then returned to Somalia to practice "democracy" and after some years of application of these lessons was forced to flee during the Siad Barre. In view of the teachers, and given the historical report, it appears that these experiments should go a little 'cautious. A different view, however, the various politicians questioned. Then, almost in the wake of questionable reliability Italian state to get to the question climax, that is, "What next?" Called to intervene at this point the kids how they can defend themselves, you hear the words "we are civilized people, respectable, ours is not a war civil but between Gaddafi and the people. " Here it would take the intervention of the interpreter to bring their case eloquently, otherwise the inferiority in the control of Italian linguistic tools of thought is seen as inferior, especially in a country accustomed to using the language a mo 'for the club. If the Italian public had been put in condizioni di ascoltare le parole d’ordine che risuonano nelle piazze del Nord Africa e del Medio Oriente, lungi dal gongolare su una sua presunta superiore capacità di governo democratico (su cui oggi più che mai bisognerebbe stendere un velo pietoso) potrebbe essere costretto a riflettere su stesso.

Ritornando alla mia lettera di scuse a voi, ragazzi libici, avrei voluto che vi fosse stato dato spazio per illustrare alcuni concetti emersi nelle settimane di questo inverno di piazze. Nel suo saggio, La Dignità Araba , ripreso ampiamente nella stampa ed in internet, il sociologo Adel Jabbar individua le seguenti parole d’ordine come quelle che esprimono le aspirazioni di gran parte del movimento che va dalla Mauritania allo Yemen, ognuno con accezioni un po’diverse, coniugate alla realtà di ciascun paese: libertà, dignità, democrazia, no al dispotismo (Istibdad), no alla corruzione (Fasad), protesta (al-tadhahurat) insurrezione (al-wathba), sollevazione (intifada), rivoluzione (al-thawra) ,primavera di rinascimento (nahdha), volontà di riscatto oltre che di rinnovamento (tajdid), nuovo e necessario risveglio (sahawa). La puntata di Annozero avrebbe preso una piega decisamente diversa e sicuramente più poetica se si fosse data la possibilità a queste parole e concetti di emergere. Oltre a valutare whether to support or not these upheavals, maybe you guys would have urged us to consider whether or not to begin to expand our knowledge of Arabic and maybe use those passwords in our events. Not surprisingly, the world of globalized liberalism in crisis, our claims in Italy revolve around common themes, as evidenced by the solidarity message sent by the Egyptian union Kamal Abbas, General Coordinator of Independent Trade Unions CTUWS, trade unions in Wisconsin currently under severe attack by the governor and which can be found at the site of Michael Moore http://www.michaelmoore.com/words/must-read/statement-kamal-abbas .

Hopefully, guys that during the various activities and stages of change that would undoubtedly go through your country, even the Italian media, spurred on by the public and at their request, able to demonstrate a greater maturity and willingness to listen to the voices from the streets, live, without the megaphone of the experts and politicians, simply because have a value in itself, not only on the basis of an alleged "security" Italian.

Pina Piccolo, 27 February 2011

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Despite the continuing relevance of the invasion of billboards in the Municipality of Rome, Rome for months for printing the problem seems not to exist anymore.

In a surreal scene that stands out the article in today's Corriere.it posters that talk about giving back to our account initiative to check the facilities in the territory .

And speaking of information, we take this opportunity to point out the probable re-opening of the next blog Cartellopoli , at least according to another blog close to it.

We can only rejoice in the news, sure Cartellopoli will again be a vital stimulus to keep alive the attention on the issue of signage in Rome.

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The club of the 8 X 3 is enlarged.

We propose new photographs of plants 4 x 3 stick together to form a single 8 x 3, or separated only by less than 10 cm, in open violation to the relevant regulation. But in these cases the violation is not just about the irregular size, but, finding these billboards in Via della Pisana corner of Via Brava, fall in the middle area called "Tenuta dei Massimi", recognized as a Natural Reserve since 1997 , thus violating the ban on installation of billboards in protected areas. add that these posters are also placed in the corners and at intersections of (non-shooting for obvious reasons, a few meters from the first billboard the PES is a plaque in memory of a victim of an accident).

The following photos, always made up of good, but just off Via Tenuta dei Massimi, bear witness another firm, after the famous PubbliRoma PES and the above photo, which entered the club of the 8 x 3: MG.

The hope is that in addition to the new PRIP, although introducing strict rules for the protection of protected areas, they are also the most appropriate tools to fight the current and credible too smart in the field.

Francis

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Amira Hass

C "was something a little lighter in" air when I arrived in Cairo on February 13. I wondered if it was just my imagination, but the feeling that this great city had been freed from a heavy cloak of lead has grown day by day and was confirmed by the people con cui ho parlato.

“Perfino il Nilo è diventato azzurro”, scherzava la gente dopo le dimissioni di Mubarak. Un azzurro virtuale, perché questo fiume è grigio come prima, e come sempre la sua vastità rima con generosità. Con generosità e pazienza il fiume ha inghiottito molti candelotti di gas lacrimogeno. “Il ponte era il posto migliore per resistere agli attacchi della polizia”, mi hanno raccontato. “Da lì potevamo buttare tutti i candelotti nel fiume”.

Anche gli automobilisti sembrano un po‟ più educati. Non è solo una mia fantasia: lo dicono persone che vivono qui da forever. An "unexpected good education and a new comity arose during the three-week uprising. The day I arrived I discovered that young people committed to cleaning up the square were not there just to look good in front of international TV cameras.

Free and courteous Dozens of men and women were engaged to paint the edges of sidewalks and metal fences at the sides, while others swept the "asphalt course with a broom from home. "It's like they want to offend the regime, saying:" All that there "was bad, negligence, l‟indifferenza, la maleducazione, la sporcizia, la violenza e il teppismo erano colpa tua‟”, mi ha spiegato un amico. E, ancora più sorprendente, per tre settimane centinaia di migliaia di persone si sono riversate in piazza e non c‟è stato nessun problema per le donne. Senza gli ordini, senza le istruzioni di un‟autorità centrale, le persone si sono comportate in modo diverso.

Gli egiziani sembrano nutrire un particolare orgoglio per il carattere pacifico della rivoluzione. Nei primi giorni della rivolta Khaled Fahmy, capo del dipartimento di storia all‟Università americana del Cairo, ha assistito a vari episodi in cui un poliziotto stava per essere lynched. He saw several times the terror in the eyes of the young police officers, two policemen who were by chance in the crowd with their van, two others who had the "order to fire tear gas and that they realized that they can not obey , and another officer, again, found himself in the wrong place at the wrong time. Whenever he saw an attempt at revenge, with the crowd that began to physically express their hatred of the representatives of this repressive law enforcement. But in all cases, it was enough for one person to say the magic word silmiyeh (peaceful, non-violent) because the attackers left them in peace.

You know the last I discovered that in the last fifteen years the Egyptians did not have invented more jokes. With the revolution, even this national tradition has been reborn. "I wanted to join the revolt, but I could not take my eyes off the jokes," said a friend, referring to the tens or hundreds of people who have written their lines on A4 paper, then performed the cameras and fellow fighters. The "last line, which runs as SMS, is:" Back to Mubarak, it was a joke. "

On 16 February a dust storm has painted gray colors of Cairo. The "air was impregnated with heavy rain ads, but the collective weight was still there. I remember well that breathed like a light in Romania, twenty-one years ago, with the revolt that ended the Ceausescu regime.

Cairo citizens are aware that will also meet with disappointment. C "is nevertheless confident that the results obtained el" experience will help prepare a future worthy of the name.

February 17, 2011

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Revolutions


















Olivier Roy

In Tunisia and Egypt took to the streets a new generation. Which is better educated, secular and individualistic than the last.

The popular revolts in North Africa and the Middle East have been interpreted by the Europeans through an outline thirty years old: the Islamic revolution in Iran.

It is expected that the Islamist groups from taking control of the protests or are there to plot in the shadows, ready to seize power. The restraint and pragmatism of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, however, it is surprising and worrying: what happened to the Islamists?

better look at the protesters, it is clear that we are dealing with a generation postislamista. For the people involved in the protests the great revolutionary movements of the seventies and eighties belong to another story, that of their parents. The new generation is not interested ideology: shouting slogans pragmatic and concrete ( erhal , by now) and avoid references to Islam, is what happens in Algeria in the late eighties. Reject the dictatorship, and calls loudly for democracy.

This does not mean that the protesters are lay people, but just do not see in Islam a political ideology can create a better order. The same applies to other ideologies: the protesters are nationalists (witness the large number of flags), but do not exalt nationalism. And even more amazing, they have abandoned any conspiracy theory: the United States and Israel (and France, as regards Tunisia) are no longer considered the cause of the ills of the Arab world. The pan-Arabism seems to have disappeared from the slogan, even if the emulation has pushed Egyptians and Yemenis in the streets after the riots in Tunisia shows that the so-called Arab world is a political reality.

Generation X We are dealing with a generation pluralistic, partly because people are more individualistic. They are more educated than the parents, living in nuclear families, have fewer children, can not find work or have worsened their social conditions. They are more informed and often have access to modern means of communication that allow them to enter in contatto con altri individui senza dover passare attraverso i partiti politici.

I giovani sanno che i regimi islamisti si sono trasformati in dittature e non subiscono il fascino dell’Iran né dell’Arabia Saudita. Quelli che sono scesi in piazza in Egitto sono gli stessi che manifestano in Iran contro Ahmadinejad (per ragioni di propaganda, il regime di Teheran ha detto di sostenere la rivolta egiziana, ma in realtà si è trattato di un regolamento di conti con Hosni Mubarak). Probabilmente sono credenti, ma questo non ha niente a che vedere con le loro rivendicazioni politiche: in questo senso, il loro è un movimento laico, che separa la religione dalla politica.

evident in the name of dignity and "respect", taking up a slogan was born in Algeria in the late nineties. They appeal to universal values, and want a democracy that has nothing to do with that promoted by the Bush administration to justify the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Ironically, were the weakening of the United States in the Middle East and the pragmatism of the Obama administration to support the legitimate expression of a native application for democracy.

However, a revolt is not enough to make the revolution. Consistent with its nature, the people's movement has not leaders or structure or political parties, and this poses the problem of the institutionalization of democracy. It is unlikely that the collapse of a dictatorship to be born soon face a liberal democracy, as Washington hoped to do in Iraq. In many Arab countries, apart from the Islamists and the unions, the framework of organized political forces is rather poor.

What happened then the Islamists, who see in Islam an ideology can solve all the problems of society? Have not disappeared, but have changed. The most radical have left their countries to join the international jihad: they are found in the desert, in the ranks of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Pakistan or the suburbs of London. They have no social or political basis for the global jihad has no connection with social movements and national struggle. Al Qaeda recruits mainly young people without roots, which have truncated their family and neighborhood relations. Faithful to a logic that privileges the "propaganda of the deed", he never bothered to build a political structure in Muslim countries and its impact on Arab societies is zero.

The religious market is wrong, therefore, to relate the Islamic revival in the last thirty years through a process of radicalization policy. If Arab societies today seem to respect the Koran more than they did thirty years ago, how can we explain the absence of Islamic slogans in demonstrations this week? Paradoxically, the re-Islamization social and cultural (the use of the veil, the multiplication of mosques, the proliferation of the preachers, the spread of religious television) has come to de-politicize Islam. You have created a kind of "religious market" that nobody has a monopoly, in line with the new trend of young people to seek personal religious journey.

Dictatorships (except that of Tunisia) have often supported a conservative Islam, very visible but not very politicized, obsessed with control of behavior. The conservatism was found a perfect match in the Salafi current, which focuses on the re-Islamization of individuals and not on social movements. The religious symbols have been stripped of any political value. Everything has become Islamic, from fast food to women's fashion, and when everything is religious, nothing really.

Religious practice has become subjective: everyone builds their faith, following preachers who speak of self-realization, as the Egyptian Amr Khaled. The utopia of the Islamic state no longer of interest to anyone.

But it would be a mistake to believe that even dictators to defend the secular societies by religious fanaticism. Authoritarian regimes have wholly secularized their countries. Indeed, many have allowed a kind of neo-fundamentalist re-Islamization, which preaches the application of Sharia law but failing to reflect on the nature of the state. In many countries, Islamic institutions have been domesticated by the governments and have come to fall back on an austere theological conservatism. Even the traditional religious leaders, Al Azhar University formed, they have nothing more to say on political issues or social ones. They have nothing to offer the new generations, who wish to live their faith more openly.

This trend also applies to political movements like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Tunisia in the party Ennahda. The new generation of militants has learned the lesson: to take power by a revolution can only lead to civil war or dictatorship. Moreover, the experience of repression has approached the Islamists to other political forces. Furthermore, the model turkish taught him something: Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Party for Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been able to reconcile democracy, electoral victory, economic development, independence and advance the values, but perhaps not strictly Islamic perceived as authentic.

More importantly, the Muslim Brotherhood are not the supporters of an alternative social or economic model. They have become conservative in terms of costumes, but liberal in economics. This is undoubtedly the most obvious trends: the Islamists in the eighties, in defense of the oppressed classes, asking such statist economy and an appropriate redistribution of wealth. Today, support the agricultural counter-sponsored by Mubarak, thanks to which the landowners have the right to again raise the rents and send away renters. Consequently, social movements Egyptians you see a return of the Left, in particular trade unions.

The bourgeois of the Islamists is a point in favor of democracy, this situation predisposes them to reconciliation, compromise and alliance with other political forces. Today the Islamists entered the democratic game. Sure, they want to play a role in the control of customs, but if they do not want to rely on an apparatus of repression such as Iran, will have to adapt to a question of freedom is not limited to the right to elect a parliament.

In the democratic game The Muslim Brotherhood will be a keystone in the change because the generation took to the streets does not have a political structure. In addition, Arab societies are rather conservative: the middle classes have grown thanks to economic liberalization, political stability and they want to protest mainly against the predatory nature of dictatorships like that of Tunisia, which has encroached on kleptomania. The comparison between Tunisia and Egypt clarifies many points. In Tunisia, Ben Ali had weakened the clan all his potential opponents, refusing to share not only power but also wealth.

In Egypt, the regime had a broader social base, the army was not limited to the exercise of power but also participates in the management of the economy. The demand for democracy will therefore have to deal with patronage networks created by various schemes. The democratic aspirations will be able to overcome the complex networks of alliances and membership in groups like the army or tribe? Authoritarian regimes will be able to mobilize their traditional allies (the Bedouin in Jordan, the tribes in Yemen)? These groups will be able to do their democratic aspirations?

The process will be long and chaotic, but one thing is certain: we have more to do with the Arab-Muslim exceptionalism. Recent events reflect a profound change in Arab societies, which began long ago. The events in Tunisia and Egypt show that the players have learned the lessons of their history. This does not mean that we have done to deal with Islam or that liberal democracy is the "end of history." But we must now think of Islam in relation to a culture that arabomusulmana, today as yesterday, is by no means closed in on itself.

18 febbraio 2011