Adel Jabbar ( sociologist and essayist)
January 14, 2011: E 'This is the date that marks the turning point much sought after by multitudes of Arab countries, where the despot (al-taghiya) Ben Ali has fled. The tyrant who held hostage the
January 25, 2011: It 'was the day when the youth in Egypt has accepted the invitation of the youth movement on April 6 to demonstrate to end the dominance of another Arab dictator who made of the emergency laws a systematic practice of government turning the entire country of eighty million well of citizens in a family estate.
These two dates indicate a radical departure from decades of stagnation, which could become a unique aspect of Arab societies. Protests (al-tadhahurat) the insurgency (al-wathba), the uprising (intifada) and revolution (al-Thawra) who are going through the entire Arab region, from Mauritania to Yemen, I would like to highlight the a spring of the Renaissance (Nahdha), the public and the will to be free as well as renewal (Tajdid). These events occur after a long period marked by endless oppression, repression, persecution, impoverishment general society as a whole with the exception of a small circle of family and courtiers. Years of political and socio-cultural retreat, of heavy defeats in terms of foreign policy and the loss of sovereignty. The entire Arab world, in fact, found himself, once again, to suffer the constraints that refer to the memory of the colonial era.
With millions of youth movements of the Arab inhabitants, in these days begin to see the end of the tunnel and see the light of a new and necessary awakening (sahawa).
The events that are shaking Arab societies and the overwhelming number of princes and vassals show: 1) that the population exceeded the fear that has paralyzed them for decades, and in fact have found the strength to defeat the culture of 'intimidation and terror that tyrants have used and use as the only way to govern, and 2) that elites, often secular not cliques are nothing more than a nepotistic Mafia, and 3) that the Western democratic powers have claimed violent and corrupt regimes by foregrounding forgetting their material interests of all the human rights culture, which use them, not infrequently, in purely instrumental terms, 4) a maturity and political awareness of the younger age groups unmarked by references to twentieth-century ideological; 5) assume that large sections of nonviolence and civil disobedience as a practice to claim their rights and their dignity , then denying and refuting the cliché Arab societies soaked of violence and religious fanaticism, flattening the image of Arabs on the figure of Bin Laden and al-Qa'aida, 6) the absence di retorica anti occidentale – non sono stati presi di mira né interessi né persone né simboli occidentali – e il sapere parlare un linguaggio transculturale in grado di comunicare in un mondo di differenze e di molteplicità attraverso parole d’ordine quali dignità, libertà e giustizia.
In molti si chiedono quali saranno le conseguenze di queste sollevazioni. Si può tentare sommariamente di indicare due plausibili cambiamenti, uno di natura interna e l’altro di natura esterna. Relativamente alla realtà interna, si potrebbe avviare un corso politico caratterizzato from the recognition of different political parties that tend to position themselves at first in the new scenario has arisen at a later time and will compete for the acquisition of popular through the ballot box. In this view the various and diverse visions of an Islamic certainly play a significant role, but it would not be a totalizing and hegemonic role, unlike what some analysts argue. Although some Islamic education will occupy a key position in the new structure will be very close to the experience of the democratic-Islamic Turkish team, and then will have some similarities with Christian democratic experiences in Europe. Regarding the second point, namely that the external changes that will occur will be slower and will be developed with caution. One of the changes likely involve a rethinking of relations interarabe in terms of increased collaboration in order to restore some role on the world scene and acquire political clout than some hot and sensitive issues, such as the question of the Palestinian people's situation Somalia and relations with Iran. In addition we will try to distance itself from some of the decisions of U.S. politics and find a separate item, without having to flatten as has happened on the choices of Washington negli ultimi decenni (per esempio la partecipazione alla guerra contro l’Iraq, l’appoggio alla guerra contro l’Afghanistan e l’adesione ad un eventuale attacco contro l’Iran).
Quello che è certo e lo dimostrano gli accadimenti in atto, è che le genti arabe hanno già conquistato un ruolo determinante nell’agenda politica sia nazionale che internazionale, avendo oggi una perfetta consapevolezza del proprio ruolo, dei propri diritti e della propria dignità.
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